The PR Common Policy Framework, repudiated by PAS President, should form the basis of a Grand Coalition, post-BN, post-PR to “Save Malaysia”

PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang has said that the PAS party elections at the 2015 Muktamar beginning on 4th June is the choice between PAS loyalists and DAP sympathisers.

This attracted a rejoinder from the Perak PAS Deputy Commissioner and former PAS Perak Mentri Besar Nizar Jamaluddin whether the PAS delegates are being asked to choose “UMNO puppets” instead.

The DAP has firmly and steadfastly refused to be drawn into the PAS party elections as we do not want to interfere or to get dragged into what is essentially PAS internal affairs to decide on the PAS leadership and its future directions.

Yes, the DAP is concerned about the outcome of the PAS party elections next Thursday but DAP will not interfere or meddle in PAS party elections.

The issue before the PAS Muktamar next week is not about DAP but Pakatan Rakyat – whether firstly, it is possible to restore the close working relationship of three PR component parties which have brought PR to the doorstep of Putrajaya; and secondly, whether it is possible to restore the trust of the people of Malaysia regardless of race, religion or region which have resulted in the support of majority of the electorate in the 13th General Elections.

DAP had spared no efforts to salvage Pakatan Rakyat for two reasons:

Firstly, we believe that the PR Common Policy Framework is a workable basis to Save Malaysia and for the country to start afresh on a new page – to build a great Malaysian nation which is united, harmonious, competitive, progressive and prosperous.

Secondly, the support, trust and hopes of Malaysians in Pakatan Rakyat, with Malaysian voters giving PR majority support in 13th general elections. In fact, DAP, PAS and PKR achieved their best parliamentary and state assembly results during their tripartite co-operation in the 1999, 2008 and 2013 general elections.

What then is the crisis afflicting PR and why has the PR Leadership Council only met twice in the past 12 months?

It is not possible for the PR Leadership Council to hold another meeting after the two PR Leadership Council meetings because the first PR Leadership Council meeting in the past 12 months proved that minus the PAS President, the PAS representatives to the PR Leadership Council had no authority to bind the party as the PAS President had the veto power, which could be exercised without reference to the PAS Central Committee, to overrule and override what PAS leaders had agreed upon in the name of PAS at the PR Leadership Council.

The second meeting of the PR Leadership Council in the past 12 months proved that the PR Leadership Council could not depend on the promises and commitments personally made by PAS President at the PR Leadership Council as the PAS President had no qualms in breaking such solemn undertakings and commitments.

How can the PR Leadership Council meet again if political parties and their leaders cannot be trusted on their promises, undertakings and commitments made at the meeting?

In March, I had broached the idea of a new political alignment in the country to form a new coalition Federal Government which is post-BN and post-PR with a new Prime Minister to “Save Malaysia” to resolve the debilitating multiple political, economic, educational, social and nation-building crisis plaguing the country – if the crisis gripping the two political coalitions could not be resolved.

As my proposal had been likened to the “UG” government proposal of a Malay unity government of UMNO and PAS, I wish to debunk the fallacies of such a comparison.

My “Grand Coalition” proposal is completely different with the ‘”Unity Government” (UG) concept of UMNO and PAS, which is not only exclusive but retrogressive, moving back from promoting Malaysian unity to fostering Malay unity.

My idea of a “Grand Coalition” is post-BN, post-PR in going beyond the existing two political coalitions and present political parties if they are unable to resolve the multiple national crisis facing the country.

It will be based on MPs from both sides of the political divide as well as both sides of the South China Sea, Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia, to defend constitutionalism and rule of law with a new Prime Minister and a new Malaysian Government.

The Grand Coalition must be inclusive, to represent all races, religions and regions and not exclusive like the “UG” concept, retreating to the Malays to unite Malays at the expense of non-Malays.

The Grand Coalition must not be an opportunistic get-together but must be based on a programme of principles and the national interests.

I had in fact spelt out these principles and national interests which should be protected by the post-BN, post-PR Grand Coalition, which are to be found in the series of statements I made in March and April.

In essence, the platform for the Grand Coalition, post-BN and post-PR, should be based on the Pakatan Rakyat Common Policy Framework which the PAS President had reneged and repudiated after the 13th General Election, causing the crisis in the Pakatan Rakyat today.