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At last, despite his advanced years even Mahathir is learning the basic principle of a developed democratic system that a two-coalition system better than any one-party rule

I have been involved in Malaysian politics for 50 years since the end of November 1965 not to “cari makan” for myself, as mentioned by the new Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee Datuk Hasan Arifin, but to join forces with like-minded Malaysians to achieve an united, harmonious, democratic, just and prosperous nation which can a model and showcase to the world of a successful multi-racial, multi-religious, multi-cultural and multi-lingual nation-building.

There are three episodes which highlight the ups-and-downs and the trials and tribulations of this 50-year political struggle for democracy, justice and an united Malaysian nation.

Firstly, there was an occasion in the seventies when a powerful UMNO Minister stood up in Parliament to interrupt my speech on the political, economic, good governance and nation-building failures of the UMNO-led government and told me haughtily that if I did not like Umno/BN government policies, I could leave the country to a foreign land. Without hesitation, I immediately responded by telling this Minister that if he did not like to hear what I had said, which represented the voice of the electorate who had elected me into Parliament, he could leave the country himself! That shut him up. A lesson in democracy as well as in Malaysian nation-building.

The second episode happened in Parliament early this month, when an UMNO Member of Parliament told DAP MP for Kota Kinabalu, Jimmy Wong, to ”balik tongsan” or to “return to mainland China”.

It is shocking proof that after 58 years of nation-building, there are still narrow-minded, extremist and intolerant mindsets in the country completely at odds with the inclusive 1Malaysia Policy which continue regard Malaysians as Malays, Chinese, Indians, Ibans and Kadazans instead of a new national identity of Malaysians who, despite their ethnic and religious differences, share a common overarching national identity and consciousness.

It is not possible within 58 years to make everyone a Malaysian “first and last”, as this must continue to be “a work in progress”, but those who espouse narrow-minded, extremist and intolerant racial and religious attitudes are not qualified to be elected as Ministers or Members of Parliament for they would have violated their oath as a Member of Parliament “to bear true faith and allegiance to Malaysia” and to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution”.

It is time that these narrow-minded, extremist and intolerant elements learn that “tongsan” for Malaysians, regardless of race or religion, is Malaysia itself not not mainland China, Indian sub-continent or any other foreign land!

The third episode refers to the realisation by the former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir that no party should rule forever and that “the best way is for the country to have two political parties; this would ensure that one or the other would win a majority to form the government”.

This is a far cry from his earlier statement that he was only interested in getting the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, replaced.

At last, despite his advanced years even Mahathir is learning the basic principles of a developed democratic system that a two-coalition system better than any one-party rule.

This is the dilemma faced by all Malaysians, the need for a new mindset when they are confronted with the gravity of the multitude of national crisis plaguing the country – that the issue is not whether to save an individual even if he is the Prime Minister or a political party even though it had been the backbone of the ruling coalition for the past 58 years since Merdeka in 1957, but how to save Malaysia from becoming a rogue and failed state where there is a breakdown of the rule of law and collapse of the good governance and the principles of accountability, transparency and integrity in public life – and when UMNO leaders have lost the national purpose and perspective.

I have just read an online news report of a group of UMNO branch leaders, calling itself “Gabungan Ketua Cawangan Malaysia” or “Coalition of Branch Chiefs Malaysia” (GKCM) demanding Najib’s resignation to resolve the party’s problems, with three objectives:

*First, the Umno president must step down.

*Second, there should be no sacking of Umno members who criticise or condemn leaders to improve them.

*Third, the Umno elections must go on.

Najib’s RM2.6 billion “donation” and the RM50 billion 1MDB twin mega scandals as well as his other policy disasters like the GST are the fuel causing such a revolt in UMNO.

The GRCM and Mahathir’s belated realisation that the two-coalition political system which Pakatan Harapan – comprising DAP, PKR and Parti AMANAH – is seeking to achieve in 14GE are important building blocks for a functioning and effective democracy and not anti-national efforts constitute salutary developments in Malaysian politics.

However, it is still premature to determine whether these new political forces and developments can shake Najib’s iron grip and control of UMNO structure and institutions although Malaysia is heading towards very stormy waters in unchartered seas.

[Speech (2) at the “Solidarity with Lim Kit Siang & Mana RM2.6 billion” kopitiam ceramah in Senai on Saturday, 28th November 2015 at 9 am]

10 Replies to “At last, despite his advanced years even Mahathir is learning the basic principle of a developed democratic system that a two-coalition system better than any one-party rule”

  1. Honestly his speech is somewhat confusing. Like even LKY, Mahathir’s generation understood that no party last forever, although they worked tirelessly and ruthlessly that their party and power do. To the generation who understood fundamentals, remember history realities, they were too busy to resolve the elephant conflict within what they do and understood..

    What is Mahathir trying to do in the midst of trying to oust Najib? Is he opening up to the idea of the downfall of UMNO/BN but want a new coalition similar to what he had? It seems a very convoluted plan for an octogenarian who used to cutting short cuts to results during his time..

  2. Earlier Administration before independence recorded many 3 races as ‘pendatang‘.
    Any question please query the British Administration!

    Migration Statistics
    HC Deb 29 November 1950 vol 481

    Mr. T. Reid
    asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the amount of Chinese, Malayan and Indian immigration into Malaya since the end of the war.

    Mr. Dugdale
    With my hon. Friend’s permission, I shall arrange for a table of migration statistics for the period January, 1947, to June, 1950, to be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT. Statistics for the post-war period before 1947 are not available.

    Following is the table:
    IMMIGRATION
    ————Malays—Chinese—Indians
    1947—–11,540—126,203–43,614
    1948—–11,809—121,115–37,319
    1949—–29,126—-96,449–31,770
    1950 (January—June)
    ———–34,642—-40,421–16,634
    ———–87,117–384,188–129,337
    EMIGRATION
    ————Malays—Chinese–Indians
    1947—–10,914—130,242–54,856
    1948—–13,098—144,440–45,039
    1949—–28,399—128,884–38,033
    1950 (January—June)
    ———–36,767—-36,730—21,506
    ———–89,178—440,296–159,434

    Excess of Emigrants over Immigrants, January, 1947, to June.
    1950 ——2,061—–56,10—-30,097

  7. UK PARLIMENT minutes at May 1949
    Malayan citizenship is not a nationality, and does not affect or impair the status of British or other nationals who become Federal citizens. Citizenship may be acquired either automatically or on application. The following persons are automatically Federal citizens:

    (a) Any subject of the Ruler of a Malay State.
    (b) Any British subject born in either of the Settlements of Penang and Malacca, who is permanently resident (that is say, has completed a continuous period of 15 years’ residence) anywhere in the territories comprised in the Federation.
    (c) Any British subject born in any of the territories comprised in the Federation whose father, either
    (i) was himself born in any of these territories or;
    (ii) has resided therein for a continuous period of not less than 15 years;
    (d) Any person born in any of the territories comprised in the Federation, who habitually speaks the Malay language and conforms to Malay custom.
    (e) Any other person born in any of these territories at any time, both of whose parents were born in any of the territories and have been resident in them for a continuous period of not less than 15 years; and
    (f) Any person whose father is, at the date of that person’s birth, a Federal citizen.

    The provisions regarding the acquisition of citizenship by application are as follow:

    The High Commissioner may grant a certificate conferring the status of a Federal citizen on any person who applies and satisfies the High Commissioner—

    (a) that either—
    (i) he was born in any of the territories comprised in the Federation and has been 1011 resident in any one or more of the territories for not less than 8 out of the 12 years preceeding his application; or
    (ii) he has been resident in any one or more of those territories for not less than 15 out of the 20 years immediately preceding his application.
    (b) The applicant must satisfy the High Commissioner that he is of good character, possesses an adequate knowledge of the Malay or English language, has made a declaration of permanent settlement in the prescribed form, and if his application is approved, that he is willing to take the citizenship oath. An applicant for citizenship must be of the age of 18 or over.

    In the case of any person over the age of 45, who has been resident in any of the territories comprised in the territory of the Federation for 20 years, and who applies for citizenship within two years from the appointed day, the language qualifications will be waived.

  10. Invading from the north, the Japanese rapidly overran Malaya and took Singapore in 1942. After the war, in 1948, a Federation of Malaya was created under British protection, but British and Commonwealth troops had to put down a Communist insurrection, which lasted into the early 1950s. It was by now agreed that Malayan independence was the answer to the Communist claim that they were fighting to free the Malayan people from the British yoke. An election in 1955 was won hands-down by the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) by running Malay candidates in Malay-dominated areas, Chinese candidates in Chinese areas and Indian candidates in Indian ones. The UMNO’s leader Tunku Abdul Rahman became prime minister when the independent Federation of Malaya came into being in 1957.
    http://www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/malayan-independence

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