— The Malaysian Insider
Sep 21, 2011
SEPT 21 — It is really amusing how former leaders labour to protect a legacy or image, many times even more strenuously than when they were occupying the hot seat at Putrajaya.
Look at Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad; when he was in power for 22 years, he did not care if Malaysians and his critics called him a dictator or autocrat or “Mahafiraun”.
But since yielding the reins, he has attempted to rewrite history by suggesting that it was the police who ordered the arrests of over 100 people under Ops Lalang and that he was tolerant, open-minded, transparent, etc.
Now comes the turn of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. He has come “alive” since his replacement Datuk Seri Najib Razak announced on Thursday plans to abolish the Internal Security Act (ISA) and other laws enacted, propped up or abused by the Barisan Nasional (BN) government.
Abdullah warned Najib of internal opposition and last night said that he, too, was single-minded about pushing for reforms but was not forceful enough. As a result, little was achieved. He and his supporters point to the MACC as a proud legacy of the Abdullah era.
But we know better. The MACC is more powerful but just as incompetent as its predecessor, a lumbering machine to do the bidding of its political masters rather than tackle corruption.
If it were serious about going after the corrupt, many of the country’s leaders and ministers would have to justify living beyond their means.
Then came his famous reform of the judiciary. He kick-started that reform by appointing an Umno lawyer as a senior judge and earmarking him for the top position in the judiciary.
Today, the judiciary is still a pale shadow of the proud, credible and independent institution it once was in the 1970s and early 1980s. Just look at the decisions that allowed the power grab in Perak in 2009.
So, it is difficult to accept Abdullah’s view that he was a serious reformer.
He and Najib are alike in many respects. First and foremost, they are Umno men. Their first love and the people they care about are Umno members. Their first instinct is to listen and follow what the party wants. They are only willing to take into account the interests of other Malaysians when political survival is at stake.
Abdullah or his advisors crafted an image of a reformist after he took over from Dr Mahathir, knowing that the electorate was not willing to accept a clone of the long-serving prime minister. So he mouthed all those wonderful “work with me, and not for me” and “I am the prime minister of all Malaysians”phrases that got him a resounding victory and, later, a shameful loss.
A few big fish were arrested by the then ACA, now including the MACC’s arrests of Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik and Tan Sri Chan Kong Choy. But note how all were acquitted and it does seem that Dr Ling may well walk free.
But then came the pushback from Umno and the Malay ground, and Abdullah shrunk from his responsibilities to the country and governed the country like the president of Umno, sweeping critical issues under the carpet and allowing the growth of the right wing elements.
He suddenly became a reformer after the general election in 2008, only when he realised that he had been rebuffed by many Malaysians and that his party members had grown tired of his weak leadership.
But a true reformer does not wait until his options have run out before trying to change the country for the better. The true reformer has vision and drive. Reform is not the last resort or a survival strategy of a true reformer. So Abdullah may have been a decent chap, but a reformer he never was.
So de facto Law Minister Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz was right when he said that Abdullah did not have a clear vision of reforms. But Nazri is only half right. He says that Najib had a clear vision from Day One of taking office. That, in plain English, is utter rubbish.
Najib may have wanted to do a few things but he has also kept his eye on the right wing of Umno. That is why his once-promising economic liberalisation has floundered badly.
Notice how the talk of open tenders has all but disappeared because the Umno beast has to be fed with contracts and projects and concessions. This beast demands a share of all the big projects in the country. The PM has to accede because he has to keep his party happy. So when they demanded for a slice of the MRT piece, they got it.
He treated Datuk Ambiga Sreenvasan and the people of Bersih as criminals because that was what his party demanded. That is why there was a flip-flop over the offer of the stadium.
Only when he realised that Bersih represented the aspirations of many Malaysians and that his handling of the rally had backfired big time, did his administration backpedal and start talking about election reforms. Even then, it was on their limited terms and with no commitment to bring about the reforms before the coming polls.
His friends, brothers and advisors have spoken about the need for the PM to be a reformer to save his administration and legacy. That is why there is now a push to talk about abolishing the ISA, etc. Because political survival is at stake.
We don’t blame Najib just as we don’t blame Abdullah. They are taught from young that their allegiance is to Umno first. That is why they allow their party newspaper to run rampant with racism and allow their party members and surrogate units to divide this country on a daily basis.
Only when their backs are to the wall, do Umno presidents try to become reformers. Or when they are no longer in office.