By Karim Raslan
The Star
Tuesday August 24, 2010
All societies need change and countries that don’t change or can’t change remain ossified and stagnant.
A few weeks ago, I hosted a lunch for a Malaysian politician and an Indonesian businessman.
The politician and I were struck by the tycoon’s steadfast support of his nation’s democratic traditions.
He stressed that he would not be where he was now had it not been for Reformasi and the turbulence of 1998.
Indeed he made a powerful argument that his country wouldn’t be powering ahead were it not for the transformation that took place after Soeharto’s ouster.
Interestingly, I think most Malaysian businessmen, including those dependent on government contracts, would agree with my Indonesian friend.
All societies need change and countries that don’t change or can’t change remain ossified and stagnant.
Malaysia is in danger of experiencing a “lost decade” like Japan – stuck in an unproductive, even destructive, socio-economic and political model.
In the past, I used to praise Malaysia’s slow but steady pace of change. The events of the last decade have changed my mind.
I now see that our evolutionary (as opposed to revolutionary) political process is a formidable barrier to our future growth.
Politics is holding us back and until we resolve two core political challenges, we will remain in limbo.
The first is the role of ethnicity and the second is the civil liberties agenda.
Economic reform cannot happen when race still governs our public life, and where our citizens are not allowed to think and speak independently.
We remain a top-down, illiberal and limited democracy.
We have leaders who do not trust the rakyat.
The rakyat, conversely are increasingly frustrated with what is going on.
They clearly see that in order to maintain the status quo, there is a cynical fanning of racial and religious sentiment that only pushes us closer to some kind of political Armageddon.
So, as Malaysia readies itself for the 13th general election, I have a few points to stress, reflecting some of the developments over the past two years:
1) Public scepticism and distrust is peaking.
Public distrust has risen. We are face to face with too many scandals and legal travesties – ranging from the Teoh Beng Hock inquest to the second Anwar Ibrahim trial.
These unresolved (and unresolvable) cases gnaw away at public confidence.
They impact the entire system.
As a result, there’s less and less confidence in public institutions.
2) We are experiencing a breakdown of the culture of deference in the Malay society.
Malay society has been highly disciplined and hierarchical for many decades.
However, Tun Dr Mahathir’s “Melayu baru” rhetoric has taken root.
Like it or not, the vast expansion of the Malay middle class has changed the dynamics between the ruled and the rulers.
The Malay community is no longer respectful of entrenched authority.
Instead they are critical and asking questions.
Indeed, younger Malaysians of all races are more “transactional” in their approach to politics.
They ask, “What’s in it for me?” Elected officials have to be more humble and service-orientated. MP’s and ministers can no longer expect to command respect.
They have to earn it, step-by-step. The best way to do this is by being honest and humble.
3) Not all political warhorses will deliver the goods.
Sarawak’s Tan Sri Taib Mahmud has been in office for well over 30 years.
Is he liked or disliked by the rakyat?
Can he deliver his state once again into the hands of Barisan Nasional?
Past success is no guarantee for future delivery.
The next state election in Sarawak will be eagerly contested and wat-ched.
4) The role of the media.
What is the truth? The continuing restrictions on Malaysia’s media have proven to be a disaster for Barisan.
On the other hand, certain conservative papers appear to have been given a free hand to engage in race-baiting.
Not only have these double-standards not boosted public sentiment, it robs the Government of a very effective method of understanding what’s happening on the ground.
Without the freedom of expression, journalists can only write what the leaders want to read, not what they need to.
As a result, Malaysia’s elite have become insulated from the rakyat, something the former can ill-afford at this juncture.
5) The age of coalitions is upon us.
The results of the UK and Australian elections show that the Westminster system of democracy, which we practise, tends to produce hung legislatures when voter dissatisfaction is great.
The question then arises: who, Barisan or Pakatan Rakyat, has a sounder alliance?
Who can better bring together our fragmented socio-political sphere?
These factors will become apparent in the upcoming power plays.
Whatever happens, there’s no turning back and Malaysia will never be the same again.